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Abdirahman Abdishakur – Vice Chair of Central Committee - Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia
HE Tesfamicael Gerahtu – Eritrean Ambassador to UK
Awale Kullane – Chair, Somali Youth League
Alun Michael – Labour MP / Chair, All Party Parliamentary Group for Somaliland
Somalia From stateless to a country with a state, from an institution only existing in nominal level to a power shifting institution, where the charter and bylaws are activated and employed to be engaged in the decision making and distinguishing the borders of powers.
Prior to the new millennium in Somalia terminologies such as parliament, president, Prime minister, governors, mayors, parliament-motions, resignations, ministers, and parliamentary committees, have been non-existent since the early 1990s in a national level.
Today in the dust of the political struggle between the president and the prime minister the two most powerful political figures in Somalia, which is instigated by the Prime-Minister relieving the governor and mayor of Mogadishu from his duties and the president objecting to that action, had lead to resignations of some ministers and reshuffle of the government, however in this mess there is a certainty that in the Somali political realm, political power can be contested without involving blood shed among the contenders.
Yes Somalia was one of the first democracies in Africa and consistently until 1969, nevertheless such notion is still just a relic among the Somalis who have experienced pain and the lack of democracy in the past few decades.
It is impossible to claim that we have the best of institutions in Somalia at the moment, nevertheless under the circumstances we have a fragile institution that is hardening and maturing, This is not an entitlement of a utopia of success story of Somali institutions, however to asses the shift of power indications, the terminology and measures. Hitherto those who are vigorously against the institution can not refute that today they are trapped or entertained by pondering about the process and the debate it presents of the charter and identifying the roles of president and the prime-minister, questions such as, when is the government dissolved? Who has the power to do so? These questions have been a centre topic of political discussions of Somalia.
There is no turning of a blind eye to the mess and its vastness, in regards to the bombs that exploded to the 20 women cleaners, and the increase in death toll due to the continuing conflict in Mogadishu between the resistance fighters and the Ethiopian troops, There is also no turning of a blind eye to the absence of a functioning fully fledged state institutions that is independent of the support of foreign troops. however in some form or another if we sought after a state with its institutions, and in regard to the current state institutions there is a heart beat, despite the poor capacity of the parliament they have started to play a role, and ministers have confront fearlessly for what they thought was right or resigned on those bases, the beauty is there is more room for political debates and disagreement and in the near future no child will be killed for the power struggles to come that’s if we Somalis maintain the institutions, political conflicts between the most powerful without involving armed militias taking up posts, is an achievement in my book.
Nation building in this age of greater communication and technology, as well the blurs distinction between globalization and intense external interference is quite a challenge for the Somali people and many young African nations. In measuring our terminology, we have improved, in measuring hope that will depend on the level of relative deprivation amongst the expectations of the people, however in this case I see progress not due to individuals and leaders not due to conflicts and reconciliation but due to the gradual growth of the state institutions and its imitation to attaining to the public consensus in regards to its bylaws or charter.
